El Salvador: 1994 and 1997

Terry Gibbs

El Salvador's elections of 1994 were called the 'elections of the century' as the FMLN was drawn into the 'legitimate' political arena for the first time as a result of the 1992 Peace Accords. The elections involved competitions for presidential, legislative, municipal and Central America Parliament seats. And, indeed, it was an historic moment for all involved including the many observers from disparate parts of the world. As part of a small delegation of Canadians I observed the election process, noting, along with 2,500 other observers, the numerous irregularities and fraud that were to characterise the 1994 process. The key issues that arose concerned ARENA's bureaucratic and structural dominance of the process, particularly through its influence in the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE); the TSE's general incompetence (slow processing of voter ID cards, lack of training for election personnel, thousands of names missing, voter turnout (less than half of the 2.7 million registered voters voted). In many municipalities ARENA won by tiny margins, some less than 100 votes highlighting how the TSE manipulation of the voter registration process would impact the municipal contests. The results were as follows:

Results, March 1994

Municipal Level (262 seats)

ARENA 206

PDC 29

FMLN 16

PCN 10

MAC 1

Departmental Level (84 seats)

ARENA 39

FMLN 21

PDC 18

PCN 4

CD 1

MU 1

Presidential Level

Round: 1 2

ARENA 49.03% 68.35%

FMLN 24.90% 31.65%

International observers monitoring the election process made a series of recommendations which included:

· The creation of a single voter identification card. (This would solve the bureaucratic problems of voter registration and would ensure that all voters were treated equally).

· Proportional representation in the municipalities. (Allowing for more c· Simplification of the voting process.

· Crack down on violations of the electoral code.

· Depoliticisation of the TSE.

· The development of a post of Electoral Auditor.

· Professional training of election personnel.

· Non partisan transport on election day.

As Salvadorans went to the poll on March 16th 1997, none of these reforms had been put into place. Lack of political will on the part of the ARENA government and their direct blocking of key reforms in the National Assembly have been the chief obstacles to electoral process.

I observed this year's elections as part of the International Mission of Independent Electoral Observers (MIOEI), a delegation impressively coordinated by the International Solidarity Centre (CIS) in San Salvador. We were to join about 400 other observers, a significant decrease from 1994. After a week of intense meetings with political party and community representatives, my sub-group struggled through the 'Super', buyat no one would go hungry on election day and that we would all have enough film for our cameras and batteries for our torches.

On March 16th we woke at 4am and were in our designated municipality, Soyapango, by 6am. Soyapango is about three kilometres from San Salvador and is bordered by Ciudad Delgado, Ilopango, Santo Tomas, and San Salvador. With a population of 400,000 it is the largest municipality in the department of San Salvador. 342 voting tables were grouped in a single voting station despite opposition by the Soyapango Municipal Electoral Board (JEM) which asked for at least one additional voting centre. We split into pairs and spent a 22 hour day (in 40 degree temperatures for part of the day!) walking from table to table observing and recording any irregularities.

In our section of the voting centre the day was relatively uneventful until around 4pm when it was decided that two extra votinrongly rejected this suggestion and one ARENA secretary attempted to steal the ballot stamp. An FMLN representative tried to take the stamp back and in the process cut the hand of the secretary. Within minutes ARENA had called the PNC denouncing this 'violence' and a shouting match ensued between ARENA and FMLN representatives. For most of the rest of the afternoon the extra tables were surrounded by the PNC and police helicopters flew overhead as voters proceeded to mark their ballots. Besides this event much of the day had the flavour of a typical, lively, slightly chaotic market scene with families wandering through carrying food and soft drinks and stopping to sit on the grass to watch the process. The next big event was the vote count. As we walked round the tables FMLN victories were pronounced one after another and by 8pm the mood was practically festive. FMLer that this experience was repeated in many municipalities across the country.

The most important victory was clearly the municipality of San Salvador won by the FMLN representative, Dr. Hector Silva. Silva appears to represent a new mood in the FMLN which is more reform oriented and less revolutionary than in 1994. Throughout the campaign the FMLN has taken a conciliatory attitude towards the private sector, whose support is seen as crucial for future development projects and they have attempted to draw in more voters by appealing to the need for a national plan for development separated from traditional ideologies. Most FMLN candidates for these elections were active community members rather than traditional FMLN activists. These changes, along with a strong overall campaign, have significantly strengthened the position of the FILM.

Outcome and recommendations

The process violated the right to vote for reasons ranging from problems with names and/or carnet numbers, confusion at the voting tables, and the inability of many people to locate their name on the Electoral Register. A number of observers, including myself, noted the illegal use of party propaganda by both ARENA and FMLN. For example, facilitators in restricted voting areas could be seen sporting party symbols and colours. Other problems included late opening and general disorder at the voting centres. Voter turn out was again low with about half of registered voters voting. While the general atmosphere of the election process in El Salvador has improved since 1994, our mission concluded that the technical conditions of 1997 were not significantly different to those of 1994.

It 1. A single, comprehensive National Registry of Citizens to replace the current, error ridden electoral registry.

2. A single, National Identity Card should be issued for both identification and voting purposes.

3. A local precinct system of voting should be adopted, which greatly facilitate improved voter turn out by allowing people to vote in their neighbourhoods.

4. Implementation of proportional representation for the 262 municipal councils would encourage greater political pluralism and increased co-operation between local activists of different backgrounds.

5. The voting process should be radically simplified.

6. The new TSE should commit itself to speedy prosecution of all violations of the electoral code, particularly in cases of actual fraud, so as to put an end to electoral impunity7. The TSE and other electoral bodies should be depoliticised so that all magistrates and other officials be competent and impartial professionals rather than political party representatives.

8. Institutional oversight mechanisms should be strengthened by empowering the Junta do Vigilancia, including the establishment of an appeals process, and by appointment of the Electoral Auditor.

9. Professional training should be provided to all persons involved in the electoral process, including all members of the JRVs, JEMs, and JEDs.

10. Non-partisan transportation should be available to all citizens who need it on the day of the elections.

(The report of the International Mission of Independent Electoral Observers to the 1997 Salvadoran Elections.)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In these elections all 262 municipal and 84 National Assembly seats were being contested. The results can be seen below:

Results, March 1997

Municipal (262) Department (84)

ARENA 161 28

FMLN 48 27

PCN PDC 15 7

PRSC 6 3

MU 4 1

PD-PDC 4 3

FMLN/CD/MU 3 CD 2

FMLN/CD 2 PLD 2

 

A New Balance of Power

ARENA party members have accepted their defeat and say that they agree, at least in principle, that many of the reforms need to be implemented. It is likely given the change in the change in the balance of power in many municipalities, that ARENA will be more supportive towards proportional representation in the future. The fact that ARENA does not have a blank cheque to make policy in the new National Assembly means that there is more hope for reform in the electoral system before the presidential elections of 1999.

In many ways these elections could prove to be the real 'elections of the century', breathing new life into the FMLN and sending a message of hope to other flagging left wing movements in the region. These are the first elections to the decade in Latin America to show such positive results forthis was predicted by the polis, it was the quality of FMLN victories such as San Salvador, Santa Ana, Santa Tecla and others. The municipalities now represented by the FMLN represent 45% of the population

Amongst other issues, the FMLN intend to use their power to slow the privatisation process, cancel the agrarian debt, prevent the introduction of the death penalty, and to increase the proportion of the national budget allotted for municipalities. The new balance of power in the National Assembly is also historic in the sense that never before has a situation arisen where none of the parties can make unilateral decisions: negotiations and compromise will be necessary.

It is likely that the PDC despite its internal conflicts, will continue to support ARENA decisitration with ARENA's economic policies and their desire for a more nationalist approach to development footed in the countries traditional sectors, particularly agriculture, suggest that they may side with the FMLN on some key debates. In this sense, the political parties will be compelled to promote the national consensus that the current situation of high unemployment, increasing living costs, deteriorating health and education services and crime in El Salvador demands.

Á National Republican Alliance (ARENA), Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), Christian Democratic Party (PDC), Party of National Conciliation (PNC), Democratic Convergence (CD), Unity Movement (UM), Authentic Christian Movement (MAC), Christian Social Renovation Party(PRSC), Liberal Democratic Party (PLD), Democratic Party (PD).

 

SOME MUNICIPAL RESULTS:

DFMLN: San Salvador, Soyapango, Mejicanos, Guazapa, Nejapa, El Paisnal, Cuidad Delgado, Ayutuxtepeque, San Marcos, Santo Tomas, Ilopango, Apopa.

ARENA: Cuscatebcingo, San Martin, Ionacateapeque, Santigo Texacuangos, Panchimalco, Rosario do Mora.

PCN: Aguilares.

Department of Santa Ana:

FMLN: Santa Ana, Ahuachapan.

PCN: La Frontera.

PCD: Texistepeque.

ARENA: Metapan, El Congo, Coaataepeque, El Porvenir, San Antonio Pejjonal, Masahuat, Sn Sebastian Salitrillo, Guachipilin, Candelaria la Frontera.

 

 

Department of San Miguel:

FMLN: Chinameca, Neuva Guadelupe, Cornacaran.

PDC: Sesori, Ciudad Barrios, San Luis Reina.

PCN:San Rafael Otte, Chapeltique, Lolotique.

ARENA: San Miguel, San Jorge, El Transito, Carolina, Uluazapaa, Chirilagua, Quelepa, San Gerardo, Moncagua, Sn Antonio, Nvo Eden San Juan.

Department of La Liberad:

FMLN: Nvs San Salv, Quezaltepeque, La Libertad, Zaragoza.

PDC: Comasagua Sn Pablo.

ARENA: Cdad Arce, Sn Juan Opico, Colon, Antiguo Cuscutian, Tacachico, Jaya

Department of Sonsontate:

FMLN: Sonsontate, Acajulla, Nahuizalco, Sn Antonio.

PDC: Nahuilingo, Santa C. Masahuat.

ARENA: Armenia, Izalco, Jualco, Juaya, San Julia, Caluco, Sonzacate, Cuisnahuat, Sta Isabel, Salcoititan, Sto Domigo.

Department of Ahuchapan:

FMLN: Atiquizaya, Concep de Ataco, Guaymango,

PDC: El Refugio, Tirin, Jucutla.

ARENA: Ahuachapan, Sn Foco Menendez, Tacuba, Apaneca, San Pedro Puxtla, San Lorenzo.

Department of Usulatan:

FMLN: Jicuilisco, Stgo do Maria.

PCN: Berlin, San Dionisio.

ARENA: Usulatan, Jucuapa, Santa Elena, Jucuaran, San Augustin, Ozotlan, Estanzuelas, Nercedes Umasa, Alegria, Cocepcion Batrenia.

Department of Chalatenango:

FMLN: Chalatenango, Azacualpa, El Carrizal, San Francisco Morazan, San Isidro, San Antonio Los Ranchos, Las Vueltas, Las Flores, Arcatao, Nueva Trinidad.

Department of Cuscutlan:

FMLN: Suchitoto, Zacatecoluca.

PRSC: Cojutepeque.

PLD: Santa Maria.

PCN: Olocuilta, San Juan Talpa, El Rosasrio, San R. Obrajuelo, San Anotnio MsaHuat, San M. Tepezontes.

ARENA: Santiago Nonualco, San Juan Nonualco. San Pedro Masahuat, San Pedro Nonualco, San Foco Chinameco, Cuyultian, SanLuis Talpa, An Juan Tepezon, Tapalhua

Department of Cabanas:

FMLN: Villa Vicoria, Cinquera.

ARENA: Sensuntepeque, Ilobasco, San Isidro, Jutiapa, Tejutepeque, Villa Dolores, Guacoteci.

Department of San Vicente:

FMLN: Tepetitan, Sta Clara, Sn Estaban Cat, Apastapeque, Sn Segastian, Tecoluca.

ARENA: San Vicente, San Caytano, Sto Domingo, Guadalupe, Veraapaz, Sn Idelfonso.

Department of Morazan:

FMLN: Jocor, Jocoatique, Meanguera.

MU: San Simon, Gualococti, Socidead.

ARENA: San Francisco Gotera, Perquin.

Department of La Union:

ARENA: Sta Rosa do L., Lislique, Yucuaquin, Poloros.

PDC: La Union, Pasauina.

PCN: San Alejo, Conchagua.