1997 Date: Mon, 23 Jun 1997

Rank and file Mexican teachers fight for democracy

Since the time of the revolution education has been a key area of struggle

in Mexico. In recent years this struggle has intensified on many fronts,

education is primarily for the elite, for every 1,000 children who enter

the first grade in Mexico, only 30 will ever obtain a college degree

(National Association of University Institutions and Higher Education).

Within education there has also been a struggle by teachers for the last

two decades against government control of their union (el SNTE) and for

higher wages and better benefits.

Over a period of fifteen years rank and file teachers in the state of

Chiapas and Oaxaca, and to a lesser degree in other states, succeeded in

creating a mass movement, the National Coordinating Committee (la CNTE) of

the teachers union. La CNTE consciously decided not to attempt to form a

rival independent union--a strategy adopted by some other union reform

movements in this period--rather la CNTE defined itself as an opposition

current within the official union.

By the mid-1980s both the Chiapas and Oaxaca rank and file movements

succeeded in winning control of the state conventions and the executive

committees. Even then la CNTE did not disband as a rank and file

organization. It was felt that the struggle committees and councils would

continue to play an important role, even though the reformers now had

control of the official structure. They decided to have two structures, one

legal and official, the other legal and unofficial.

They made changes in the official structure as well. Most importantly, the

state-wide assembly became the ruling body, rather than the smaller state

executive committee. The state-wide assembly schedule was changed so that

it met once a month or more often if necessary, and the assembly was

expanded to include not only the official representatives, but also rank

and filers from the coordinadora. Individual offices were replaced with

collective commissions, to spread the knowledge and the responsibility.

Also rank and filers were incorporated into these collective commissions

along side elected officials, to keep everybody honest.

The membership demanded the right to make decisions. In the state assembly

itself, delegates were required to take the debate back to their local

areas before voting and adopting a decision. This process of "consulta" or

consulting with the rank and file was essential to la CNTE's vision of

democracy. Delegates to state assemblies often had to produce an "aval," a

document proving that they had actually consulted with their members and

were representing their position. "It was this daily practice of discussion

and decision making that was at the root of the new political consciousness

movement leaders wanted to instil in union members."

The CNTE has been able to organise strikes and demonstrations against the

wish's of the union bureaucracy. In April this year they undertook a major

campaign for improved education, pay, working conditions and democratic

reform. This saw some 3,000 Oaxaca teachers, marching on Mexico city to

demand higher wages and improvements in benefits. They also demanded the

demilitarisation of the state and an end to the repression in the Loxichas

region. This broadening of the demands to ones 'outside' of education has

been typical of the rank and file teachers movement. The states response

has included arrests, killings and disappearances. In Guerrero on March3 of

this year, two Nahua Indian teachers, Marcial Salvador Arriaga and

Heriberto Moreno Romano, were murdered. The teachers were members of the

Emiliano Zapata Union of Workers and Peasants (UOCEZ) and had just attended

a teachers' meeting. Each dead teacher left behind a widow, one with seven

children, the other with five.

On January 31, in Chiapas three thousand teachers affiliated with the

General Council of Struggle marched through San Cristobal de la Casas to

demand fulfilment of the San Andres agreements between the government and

the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). In Tuxtla Gutierrez,

capital of Chiapas, on February 19, 200 delegates of the Indigenous

Education Bloc of Local 7 of the teachers' union (el SNTE) representing

12,000 indigenous teachers announced their support for the Zapatista Army

of National Liberation in its negotiations with the government.

On May 1 in Mexico City, 40,000 teachers from 18 states attempted to march

on the presidential residence Los Pinos. Riot police stopped the

demonstrators, and in violent confrontations several teachers were

seriously injured and had to be hospitalised. Teachers then chanted,

"Stupid cops, we're fighting for your children!" In June after a month of

sit-ins, protest marches, and repeated violent assaults by the police,

several thousand teachers led by the National Coordinating Committee of the

Teachers Union (la CNTE) ended their protests in Mexico City. But la CNTE

says it will continue its strikes and demonstrations in several southern

states.

Its been said that "the democratic qualities of the Chiapas and Oaxaca

movements may have come from indigenous traditions of democratic

self-government." Many of the CNTE members in Chiapas are themselves of

Indian descent and bilingual school teachers but in any case El CNTE is one

example of how the direct democracy of the Zapatistas is not limited to

small communities or isolated regions.

NOTE: The May addition of the Irish Mexico Bulletin included an article on

the construction of autonomous schools in Chiapas. The Mexico Group is also

producing an education pack to be used in schools. Contact us at 5 Merrion

Row for copies of either of these. Much of the information in this article

was obtained from the Mexico Labour Bulletin, the web version of this can

be access via the IMG web page at http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/3102